Marshal petain biography of abraham

Primary Sources

(1) Anthony Eden, Memoirs: The Reckoning (1965)

Paul Reynaud received us, firm and courteous despite the strain. We soon got down to discussion across the dining-room table; Petain, Reynaud, Weygand facing Churchill, Dill and me, with interpreters. General Georges joined us later. We talked for almost three hours, the discussion hardly advancing matters. The speakers were polite and correct, but although at that time the Maginot Line had not been attacked, it was soon evident that our French hosts had no hope.

Early in our talks, Weygand described the military situation, explaining how he had attempted to block a number of gaps in the line. He believed he had succeeded and, for the moment, the line held, but he had no more reserves. Somebody asked what would happen if another breach were made. 'No further military action will then be possible,' Weygand replied. Reynaud at once intervened sharply: 'That would be a political decision, Monsieur Ie General.' Weygand bowed and said: 'Certainly.' Georges told us that the French had altogether only some one hundred and ninety-five fighter aircraft left on the northern front.

Despite all the difficulties, our dinner, though simple, was admirably cooked and served. R

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Volume 4

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The Muddled History of Philippe Pétain

By Michael E. Haskew

He was, in the truest sense, a national hero. Philippe Pétain, Marshal of France, the hero of Verdun, is, however, best remembered in the modern world as a traitor, a collaborationist who sacrificed the honor of France to make a deal with Hitler and the Nazis.

To Resist or Support the Vichy Regime

When the Phony War came to a sudden and violent end on May 10, 1940, the armies of France and Britain were sent reeling by the onslaught of the German blitzkrieg. Clearly, within weeks, the Allied armies in the West were beaten. In desperation, it had been the National Assembly of France itself, seated at the resort town of Vichy, which called upon the elderly icon to assume emergency powers and deal with a situation that had become militarily and politically precarious.

In fairness, it was perhaps a circumstance from which few could have deftly extricated themselves. During the interwar years, Pétain had spoken plainly of his disdain for the political arena, even alluding to his preference for something more autocratic than a representative form of government. When the call to leadership came in July 1940, was Pétain in fact seizing an opportunity, executing a personal ascent to power as a pragmatic politico? In shar